Before 1998, the European Union (EU) had tried to develop a common security and defense policy but had failed. From 1998, the organization progressed in this area owing to the support of member countries. When European Security Defense Policy (ESDP) was crafted, it garnered support from all member countries (Howorth, 2014). It is interesting that unlike other critical issues, every EU member supported the policy including countries that are not in NATO. Given that most of the EU members are part of NATO, the driving factor for ESDP is not easily understood.
EU leaders met in Helsinki in 1999 and agreed to create an institution for taking decisions and could be involved in launching military operations when NATO is not engaged. The military operations were restricted to responding to emerging crisis. For this purpose, the leaders saw the need to have joint capabilities of deploying a military contingent comprising of over 50,000 people within two months. The military force was expected to be able to execute all Petersberg tasks. By 2000, this goal was implemented and was completed by a non-military pledge to deploying a police force for international missions which could be deployed within one month (Grevi, 2009).
The EU progressed rapidly in implementing Helsinki goals. Since 2000, the interim military staff has been providing expertise to the council secretariat and worked with NATO. The secretariat is not involved in military operation planning but has a role in the civil-military situation center. Capabilities launched in 2001 supported EUs military structures with secure technology which is key in providing robust military support to a crisis that may arise (Biscop, 2007).
It has to be clear that for ambitious missions that are led by EU, the organization has to rely on NATO structures. This is particularly apparent in the near future (Witney, 2008). In the long term, countries such as Germany see no value in emphasizing the dream of leaving NATO. It is important to note a majority of NATO members are European countries and most of them have developed their defense policy based on NATOs structures. Most EU member states use NATO as a reference point for European defense instead of ESDP.
Despite the strides made in ESDP, some countries such as France have said that the policy will not be leveraged to build a European army. Some are even reluctant to refer to the outcome of the policy as a military force. Instead, they refer to it is military capabilities. This is, of course, a response to US pressure that EU efforts should not undermine or decouple the functionality of NATO.
Based on the ESDP requirements determined in co-operation with NATO, several EU nations pledged to provide military assets to build EU crisis-management capacity. In November 2000, the countries committed about 80,000 personnel that can be sustained for a year. The four large member-states accounted for over percent of the assets contributed. The EU countries also established over 50 headquarters at different levels to support EU operations (Bailes, 2008). Others military assets made available for the operations include 600 aircraft, 100 ships, and a satellite reconnaissance system. Also, non-EU European NATO members such as Norway pledged to provide military assets and capabilities for the EU operations.
How can the policy affect the EU-NATO relationship?One key problem that has not been resolved is the planning and management of European military operations on different levels. The confrontation between France and British has indicated that there cannot be a European military capability established outside NATOs structures. Separate military planning would be duplicative hence would undermine NATO functionality as well as joint military efforts among NATO members. Since NATO and EU-led ESDP differ in terms of focus and mandate, there is a possibility of conflicts and confusion arising particularly because 17 of the 19 EU member states are NATO members (Hofmann, 2009). With regards to implementation of ESDP, NATO has to give EU access to its planning structures. However, this has been opposed by France which is skittish about the close consultations between EU and NATO.
Several NATO members outside the EU especially Canada has raised concerns that ESDP could affect NATO operations. Six European non-EU NATO members have requested concrete plans to be forged to create a framework for cooperation on ESDP. The EU has created a set of measures including ministerial meetings and consultations on different levels (Bulut, 2009). However, Turkey has continued to oppose EU-NATO cooperation. It has blocked arrangements made to make NATO assets available to EU insisting that it must have a role in the decision-making process. Turkish attitude towards ESDP has caused problems not only to NATO but also EU.
Currently, the ESDP agreements are not clear on how NATO structures can be used for EU operations. It is noteworthy that EU-led operations under ESDP would conflict the mandate of NATO as most of EU NATO members would be involved. Given that EU-NATO military integration is not possible due to existing reluctance and opposition by some states, there cannot be an interim solution that defines how EU operations would be carried out without decoupling and duplicating NATO.
Â
References
Bailes, A. J. (2008). The EU and a better world: what role for the European Security and Defence Policy?. International Affairs, 84(1), 115-130.
Biscop, S., & Andersson, J. J. (Eds.). (2007). The EU and the European security strategy: Forging a global Europe. Routledge.
Bulut, E., Clement, C., Dura, G., Fischer, S., Franke, B., Gowan, R., ... & Keohane, D. (2009). European Security and Defence Policy: the first ten years (1999-2009). The European Union Institute for Security Studies.
Grevi, G., Helly, D., & Keohane, D. (2009). European security and defence policy. The first, 10, 1999-2009.
Hofmann, S. C. (2009). Overlapping institutions in the realm of international security: The case of NATO and ESDP. Perspectives on politics, 7(1), 45-52.
Howorth, J. (2014). Security and defence policy in the European Union. Palgrave Macmillan.
Witney, N. (2008). Re-energising Europe's security and defence policy (pp. 16-22). London: European Council on Foreign Relations.
Â
Request Removal
If you are the original author of this essay and no longer wish to have it published on the thesishelpers.org website, please click below to request its removal:
- Essay Example: Different Federal Safeguards
- How Historians Have Approached the Success and Failures of Internationalist Movements
- International Trade Barriers - Essay Example
- Power Is the Essence of All Government, but Violence Is Not - Critical Thinking Example
- Essay on the Federal Bureaucracy
- Mr. L case study
- Essay Example: Virginia Revenue Sources and Expenditure